這週,Jivan和Mira都有很大的進步!來德國一年了,這才有「駛入正軌」的感覺。
Mira每天呈現「催促」我快帶她去托嬰中心的狀態,大聲說早安,自己跑跳進去,總是說上學很開心,老師是她的好朋友。Jivan呢,週五我去接他,還沒到大門,只是經過室外遊戲區,我隔著圍欄看到他,喊著:「寶貝,回家嘍!」他竟然哭喪著臉說:「妳怎麼這麼早來,我還不想回家。」於是我隔了一個小時才去接他,他表示:「我想要最後一個走。」我問:「不會太想我嗎?」「不會!」⋯⋯
所以很明顯,#居家防疫幼稚園 很難營運下去XD 什麼原因?孩子需要玩伴、需要刺激、需要盡情跑跳的場域。特別是換到了大學附幼後,孩子的世界一下全打開了,Jivan回家說著黑人同學會跟他說英文,說著有講捲舌中文的弟弟一直跟著他,說著坐著輪椅的那個女生發生什麼事了,整個氛圍變得很活潑與包容。一切盡可能「正常」運作後,很感恩兩個孩子都能順利融入德國教育體系。
總要出去闖的,選好學校後,相信孩子,做他們堅強的後盾。
_
一直在想怎麼回答有個媽媽問我的問題:#支不支持提早教孩子?聽起來很弔詭,我每週的生活紀錄,都配上手作給孩子的教材和在家的玩中學系列,但我個人是偏向「不需要」提早教的。這個課題我和接受華德福教育六年、荷蘭菁英中學六年的Ra聊過無數次,我們一致的看法都贊成「不刻意早教」。
不過,界定教什麼「內容」,其實才是談論最主要的癥結。所有孩子入學後會碰觸到的「學科」教育,我認為就交給專業的教育者,課程的設計絕對是經過評估和反覆操作,適合該年紀的孩子能理解的範圍才納入教科書的。
當前,我除了確認Jivan能持續發展中文的聽說讀能力,就是培養孩子樂於發問、發現、發掘,摸索孩子未來能發光的位置。
其實,也沒那麼偉大啦,就是Jivan想知道的,我用我還算擅長的方式,變出「玩」的教育模式;他今天問怎麼會下雨,我們就認識水循環,他今天問火山怎麼會爆發,我們就來動手找書和做模型,他老是亂拿衣服穿,我們就來討論天氣。#孩子是我的教案指引,我腦袋常會少根筋,是孩子的這些「為什麼」,讓我每天都有想不完的教學活動設計。因為我不想回答「不知道」,也不想直接「餵」答案,#我們怎麼回應提問_會影響孩子建立日後解決問題的能力。
但,媽媽來教,就怕期待太高,適得其反,「我是為你好耶」卻變成孩子覺得家裡沒溫暖,父母沒說出口的望子成龍望女成鳳,可能會成為壓倒或推遠孩子的阻力。學習本來就不是輕鬆的事,#與其逼著孩子坐下學,#不如先養成孩子樂於學。我們現在放學後每天都會玩的,就是 #感官發展遊戲了!它的好處是多面向的,同時也不會消耗親子關係。這些日子下來,Jivan很讓我和Ra誇目相看,因為他投入在感官遊戲時,一小時反覆操作著同一種素材和動作,那樣的心無旁騖會讓我們看見孩子的無限可能。
有研究指出,孩子的腦袋過早地學,但連握筆都沒辦法正確使力,反而造成更多的挫折,現今教育提早出發,但人類發展的成熟進程仍然與一百年前一樣,就衍伸出更多的現代壓力。五歲時提早認字的孩子,與七歲才開始認字(研究顯示最適合開始認讀的年紀是七歲)的孩子,他們之後在學習上的表現並沒有差距。
所以結論是:Earlier isn’t necessarily better, more isn’t better if it’s too much. (提早學不一定比較好;如果太多了,那多就不代表越好。有點像「少即是多」的概念,譬如孩子課本內容全都會,學習成效會比做了一堆自修和習題但課本內容只掌握八成的孩子好)。研究見書“The Self-Driven Child: The Science and Sense of Giving Your Child More Control Over Their Lives”.
寫了這些,只是提供一些方向與見解,我會直接說:**母親的位置,是在幫助孩子「建構」良好的學習習慣,並關心生活周遭的知識。**
那,孩子先會了,日後上學老師在教時會不會無聊?我無法保證,看人吧!孩子提前想知道,陪他找答案也無妨,重點是過程。如果是我,會因為自己稍微會一點而多些自信,如果是Ra,他曾經就痛哭過在學校學不到新知識;我問了Jivan,他的回答是:只要是跟他喜歡的好朋友一起學,再一次也沒關係。
至於我有沒有這個孩子先學未來會無聊的疑慮,老實說:不太有。因為經驗告訴我,四歲的他很快就會忘記⋯⋯(聽起來有點悲傷哈哈哈哈)而且如果用中文以外的語言再學一次,根本是新的東西啊!然後,我很避免制式化、很固定的操作,一定都有「遊戲」做為包裝。同齡的孩子會百位數加減法,我可以等到Jivan八歲再會就好,#強灌溉的稻苗只會淹枯,很多都只是「比較的心態」在作祟,我要著力的不是孩子「不會什麼」,而是孩子「擅長什麼」,哪個方面能帶給他信心。
在家,還是先營造愛的環境是首要嘍!不管要不要帶孩子一起學習,愛,才真正是成長的養分。
#開始調整成每天放學後一起操作感官發展活動
#Jivan_4Y8M
#Mira_1Y10M
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過71萬的網紅VOGUE Taiwan,也在其Youtube影片中提到,你是否也對避孕的知識有迷思呢?以下十點是最常出現的避孕迷思! 10 Common Birth Control Myths #避孕 #健康生活 #SELF ------------------------------ ❗需要字幕的朋友 👉 請記得開啟CC字幕 ❗ ------------------...
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self control中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
self control中文 在 湯士萱物理治療師 Suzanne Tang Physiotherapist Facebook 的最佳貼文
今年是第5次聽 Mark Comerford 老師的 Kinetic Control - The Movement Solution 2(骨盆+胸椎+肋骨)課程
還記得第一次看到這些奇奇怪怪的符號是在2015年上TMS1時,Mark老師幫我做的評估紀錄。
2016年正式上TMS2 課程時,
終於看懂這些符號,徹底了解自己的問題,也了解了如何處理 #SIJ(#薦髂關節)個案。
當時我與其他人一起被寫在黑板上,作為實際的SIJ個案範例,但下面列出的問題我是最多最複雜的那一個。
還記得Mark 看著我說"OH!You are a mess!"
▪️Sacrum - BST to L, contra-SB to L
▪️R't Innominate- ant rot., up slip
▪️R't Pubic-inf. shear
▪️R't - PLAG, ISAG hypermobile
▪️Self bracing Failure: HE-AT, RL-WT, SL-PB,
之後每次上課,我仍年年出現在黑板名單上
不過隨著努力自我訓練動作控制,也拿自己做了許多實驗,嘗試各種不同的治療方法,我的問題清單越來越短,SIJ出現症狀的頻率越來越少!
*親身證實不論做了任何的處理後,後續還是要靠自己做動作訓練,將動作控制融入生活,改變動作習慣,才能達到及維持最佳的治療效果!
從去年4月到現在,我的SIJ 除了在偶爾月經來時有點痠痛外,幾乎可說是 pain free (無症狀)!
今年!終於從黑板名單除名!正式脫離 SIJ 病人行列!
擁有 Perfect SIJ!
SIJ 和腳踝十分相似(從結構、生物力學...等方面來看),是一個很容易復發的部位,一個不小心就很容易再次扭到,造成症狀復發。
保持良好的關節活動度、GS&GM 平衡、LS recruitment 是一輩子的功課。
就像有吃東西就要刷牙一樣,只要有動,每個人每天都應該花2-5分鐘的時間,做動作控制練習,以保持 #動作健康。
從看不懂符號到熟悉,並擅長解決SIJ問題
謝謝老天讓我曾經擁有亂七八糟的SIJ
讓我對於SIJ這個大家普遍認為較複雜不易處理的部位,有更深入的了解與體會
努力準備中文版的 Kinetic Control-SIJ課程中,希望能幫助更多治療師對pelvis 有更深入的了解、處理得更好!
#動作健康
#MovementHealth
#MotionisLotion
#ControlWellMoveWellLiveWell
#OptimalControlOptimalChoice
#ComeraMovementScience
#KineticControl
#ThePerformanceMatrix
#MovementSciencePractitioner
#PTCPE
self control中文 在 VOGUE Taiwan Youtube 的最讚貼文
你是否也對避孕的知識有迷思呢?以下十點是最常出現的避孕迷思!
10 Common Birth Control Myths
#避孕 #健康生活 #SELF
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self control中文 在 Self Control 自我控制/ Laura Branigan 蘿拉布蘭妮根[ 中英歌詞] 的推薦與評價
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