🌻台灣仍在居家隔離期. 台灣居住空間較小, 居家隔離難度較高. 尤其這次面對的病毒也比較凶猛. 祝大家平安. 在此提供一些當時我居家隔離時所做的一些事情, 供大家參考:
--對家人睜一隻眼, 閉一隻眼. 一家人天天在一起難免會有不順的時候, 不過能夠在一起很珍貴.
--買香料公司已經調好的香料包做料理. 這樣省時間, 也可以不用傷腦筋, 也讓煮飯多了點變化(可參考這網站: https://www.mccormick.com/spices-and-flavors/recipe-mixes/mccormick-one)
--做手工藝(當時有做一個花圈wreath)
--看書, 看劇, 在線上與股友聊天, 看年報, 整理財報內容
--多睡覺
--研究園藝, 在家裡養了很多綠色植物
--整理家裡, 做收納, 移動家具
--晚上喝點小酒, 解壓助眠(不過要注意有可能會胡言亂語😅)
🌻Docusign(DOCU), Crowdstrike(CRWD)的電話會議內容已整理好. 有興趣的讀者可以到部落格那邊去看:
https://makingsenseofusastocks.blogspot.com/
🌻附上本周發表財報公司一覽表(請見附圖)
🌻U.S. 10-Year Treasury Yield Slips Below 1.5%
https://www.wsj.com/articles/10-year-treasury-yield-dips-below-1-5-11623256393
🌻俄亥俄州 躍全球太陽能重鎮
顧問公司Wood Mackenzie統計,去年美國太陽能新增發電量創新高,且2030年前將再增加三倍。First Solar表示,俄亥俄州太陽能面板園區未來主要供應美國市場。近年太陽能產業多數零件來自中國,尤其在去年疫情爆發後,美國重大產業過度依賴海外供應鏈的風險激增,令拜登政府誓言重振美國製造業,並大力推動綠能產業發展。
https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20210611000866-260203?chdtv
🌻華爾街日報》美國經濟快速復甦,就業成長為何沒跟上?工作機會被科技進步吃掉了!
https://www.storm.mg/article/3743297
"其中一個受益者是CardFree Inc.,該公司為餐飲經營者設計和運營線上和移動點餐系統。CardFree的首席執行官Jon Squire稱,該公司的應用軟體讓餐館能夠更好地預測和管理收到的訂單,以優化人員和產能調配。"
🌻現金太多 美銀行業者向企業喊話:別來存款
https://www.worldjournal.com/wj/story/121477/5524281
🌻華爾街日報選文(中文)
最近花了不少時間看報紙, 發現報紙還真好看, 除了學到不少財經知識外, 華爾街日報(WSJ)有些文章都挺有深度的. 有時候還一邊看一邊畫重點.
Anyway. 發現這個中文網站, 會翻譯一些WSJ的好文章. 值得書籤(bookmark)起來:
https://www.storm.mg/category/173479
🌻去年很多EV方面的新公司或是小公司. 這篇文章的觀點挺好, 說做EV, 要能夠scale(規模化地拓展)也很重要: https://www.wsj.com/articles/why-electric-vehicle-stocks-are-stuck-in-reverse-11622709998
"Still, the classic Silicon Valley disruption story isn’t playing out in the auto industry as once expected. With their big batteries, EVs are shaping up to be an industrial product that benefits from the kind of industrial scale 20th century manufacturers are good at. This advantage may not persist as other, software-based automotive technologies take off—in-vehicle internet and ultimately automated driving. But these are probably questions for another year."
可以跟這篇一起看:
Lordstown Motors的預警凸顯電動汽車初創公司的資金難題
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/lordstown-motors%E7%9A%84%E9%A0%90%E8%AD%A6%E5%87%B8%E9%A1%AF%E9%9B%BB%E5%8B%95%E6%B1%BD%E8%BB%8A%E5%88%9D%E5%89%B5%E5%85%AC%E5%8F%B8%E7%9A%84%E8%B3%87%E9%87%91%E9%9B%A3%E9%A1%8C-11623304812
🌻
即便亞馬遜和沃爾瑪也難理順美國醫療健康亂局
美國企業有無數個理由進軍甚至顛覆醫療健康行業,但即使是技術天才也會發現這個領域令人費解。
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/%E5%8D%B3%E4%BE%BF%E4%BA%9E%E9%A6%AC%E9%81%9C%E5%92%8C%E6%B2%83%E7%88%BE%E7%91%AA%E4%B9%9F%E9%9B%A3%E7%90%86%E9%A0%86%E7%BE%8E%E5%9C%8B%E9%86%AB%E7%99%82%E5%81%A5%E5%BA%B7%E4%BA%82%E5%B1%80-11622432113
🌻信任(trust)
這兩天看了一部電影and一本書的評論, 發現觸及的主題是一樣的: 信任.
電影是Disney Plus上面的"巡龍使者: 拉雅". 書是一本新書"The Power of Giving Away Power".
我發現一個團體要把事情做好, 重要的不是每個人的能力有多強, 而是彼此能否信任. 當大家都有共識(英文有個片語是, "on the same page"), 有同樣的目標的時候, 事情會好辦很多. 但這其實不容易做到(就像電影中的Raya一樣, 還必須先犧牲自己, 才能說服夥伴.)
Anyway. 覺得這題材挺有趣的, 也是生活中常碰到的事情. 分享給大家.
"巡龍使者: 拉雅"影評: https://movie1314.pixnet.net/coblog/post/353485640
"The Power of Giving Away Power"書評:
https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-power-of-giving-away-power-review-the-stars-look-down-11623277080
Pictures: 網路, Amazon, earningswhispers.com
同時也有9部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過6萬的網紅大人的玩具,也在其Youtube影片中提到,論文摘要 現今社會,成年人有著來自社會與生活的多方壓力,而這種壓力需要釋放,以慰藉情感,供成年人把玩之玩具就可作為釋放壓力的一個途徑。 過去人們認為玩具是兒童的專利,成年人如果玩玩具就會被認為是不務正業。但隨著時代的不斷變化,人們對於玩具的認識也更加豐富和多元化,成年人在情感需求之要求下,也希望通過...
「scale up中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於scale up中文 在 貓的成長美股異想世界 Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 大人的玩具 Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 GoGreenGoLean - Susana Tsang Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 大人的玩具 Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於scale up中文 在 scale up用法2023-精選在Youtube/網路影片/Dcard上的焦點 ... 的評價
- 關於scale up中文 在 scale up用法2023-精選在Youtube/網路影片/Dcard上的焦點 ... 的評價
- 關於scale up中文 在 PwC's Scale-up資誠創業成長加速器第三屆 - Facebook 的評價
- 關於scale up中文 在 【Let's Scale Up with TTA特別企劃02】高齡科技新創力X 2023 ... 的評價
- 關於scale up中文 在 scale out中文的推薦,PTT、MOBILE01和網路上有這些評價 的評價
- 關於scale up中文 在 scale out中文的推薦,PTT、MOBILE01和網路上有這些評價 的評價
scale up中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線
中文、意大利文演說全文:https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118
感謝開創未來基金會(Fondazione Farefuturo)邀請,讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言,呼籲世界繼續關注香港,與香港人站在同一陣線。
意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家,理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解,如今正值大學保衛戰一週年,以致大搜捕的時刻,當打壓更為嚴峻,香港更需要世界與我們同行。
為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況,我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿,盼望在如此困難的時勢裡,繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。
【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】
Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.
Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.
Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.
Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail
Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.
Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.
I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.
But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?
Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene
The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.
As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.
The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.
I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.
Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.
That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.
Defending freedom behind the bars
No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.
The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.
I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.
.................
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章:https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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╞💬https://t.me/joshuawonghk
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scale up中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
scale up中文 在 大人的玩具 Youtube 的最佳貼文
論文摘要
現今社會,成年人有著來自社會與生活的多方壓力,而這種壓力需要釋放,以慰藉情感,供成年人把玩之玩具就可作為釋放壓力的一個途徑。
過去人們認為玩具是兒童的專利,成年人如果玩玩具就會被認為是不務正業。但隨著時代的不斷變化,人們對於玩具的認識也更加豐富和多元化,成年人在情感需求之要求下,也希望通過玩具來使情感需求得到滿足,
在NPD調查的12個玩具市場中,全球最大的玩具市場—美國2017年銷售額比2016年增長了1%,達207億美元。而中國也僅次於美國成為全球第二大玩具消費市場。
「公仔」(Figure)為玩具之其一分類,這個詞源自70年代香港、澳門,是世界動漫產業興盛發展的新辭彙。然而目前市面上普遍為歐美系與日系公仔居多,相較少有屬於中國文化之公仔。因此,實體化中國文學角色並符合現代潮流的公仔設計為本研究之創作動機。
本創作以少人著墨之鐵扇公主和牛魔王角色為目標,兩角色似中國版美女與野獸,有著獨特的設計與衝突的美感,藉由ZBrush為數位雕刻並以光固化3D列印實體化,創作出古典與現代二款造型之潮流創意公仔。
People are experiencing pressures coming from various sources like, from our society and life. We need ways to release those pressures. Toys made for adults may serve as one of the great ways to release our stress.
Having fun with toys has been regarded as children’s privilege in old days. Adults would be considered childish if they were found playing with toys. As time goes by, however, people now a days, have different points of view about toys. Grownups, now a days are having emotional needs as well, to be met and some of them can be achieved through spending time and energy on toys.
A survey conducted by NPD (NPD Group, Inc.) on the 12 major toy markets over the globe shows that the world's largest toy market—the USA market sales increased by 1% up to a total of 20.7 billion US dollars in 2017 compared to the sales number in 2016. China, though second only to the US market for toys, does not have much of its own culture or literature related in any toy products.
"Figures ", also known as “Gong-zai” in Chinese communities, is one of the toys’ categories. This word, originated from Hong Kong and Macao way back 1970s, it is a relatively new term for the worldwide booming animation industry. American, European, and Japanese figures overwhelming dominate current toy markets and only few Chinese figures can be found among them. In the light of this phenomenon, the ideas to make figures from famous characters in Chinese fictions or literatures that follows the modern features of figures transform the motivation of this research.
The figures created for this research are the roles called “Princess Iron-Fan” and “Bull Demon King” which are famous but less mentioned. They are like the Chinese version of Beauty and the Beast, which are innovative crafted and exhibit the conflicting beauty. The software ZBrush is used for digital engraving and a photo-curing 3D printer modeling. The final products are characters with two different styles--classic and modern ones.
scale up中文 在 GoGreenGoLean - Susana Tsang Youtube 的精選貼文
Hey guys, I'm back with another vlog but this time its all in cantonese! As highly requested by audiences of Hong Kong and hence, here it is! For my non-cantonese speaking viewers, I have added in subtitles in English incase if you want to watch along and pick up the language!!
** Apologies for any Chinese mistakes as it isn't my first language, here to learn and improve ! **
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scale up中文 在 大人的玩具 Youtube 的精選貼文
跪求有空的朋友
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Dante from Devil May Cry 4 has re-birthed in the name of Asmus Toys.
We are very proud to introduce the franchise of Devil May Cry will be an essential part of Asmus Toys for the next two years. Characters like Nero, Virgil, Dante from DMC 1,2,3 are all planed to be made in the finest detail of 1/6 scaled world too.And there is no better way to begin our journey by refresh one of our earliest hero - Dante.
The 1/6 scaled Dante collectible figure will be sold in two ways, a regular version and a Luxury Edition. Both versions include the figure in game accurate clothing and weapons. However, in Luxury Edition you will be getting a monstrous diorama platform. You can either display Dante standing on top of it, or play with it as Dante is having his way killing this beast.
Dante from DMC4 has a significant meaning to the team of Asmus Toys. He was the very first 1/6 action figure that were made by the team, it was earlier even than the name of Asmus. Just a concept to let you know, that we will give everything to perfect this figure.
Dante is now up for pre-order in our website. It is limited to only 1000 pc standard version, 500 pc of Luxury Edition.
so be quick to secure your copy.
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scale up中文 在 PwC's Scale-up資誠創業成長加速器第三屆 - Facebook 的推薦與評價
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