關於 no problem at all中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[時事英文] 「本土的」和「確診病例」英文怎麼說？
讀懂新聞英文，讓你邏輯表達、托福雅思寫作更有靈感
近 1000 位同學在學的英文思考術 https://bit.ly/3eTHIvH
　
同學看了陳時中部長籲請各方支持我國參加WHO的專文了嗎？
　
這篇專文絕對值得一讀，也統整了我們在粉專上整理出有關肺炎疫情的２５篇文章及關鍵片語：https://bit.ly/2WNcHSj
　
以下已為大家摘錄出中英文對照版，並為各位精選了關鍵詞與片語。原文的完整版連結請詳本文最末。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The threat of emerging infectious diseases to global health and the economy, trade, and tourism has never abated. Pandemics can spread rapidly around the world because of the ease of international transportation. Among the most salient examples are the Spanish flu of 1918, the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak of 2003, and the H1N1 influenza of 2009. Intermittently, serious regional epidemics, such as Middle East respiratory syndrome (MERS) in 2012, Ebola in West Africa in 2014, and the Zika virus in Central and South America in 2016, have also reared their heads.
　
1. the threat of ⋯⋯的威脅
2. emerging infectious disease 新興傳染病
3. abate (v.) 減少；消除
4. salient examples 顯著的例子
5. regional epidemics 地區流行疫情；地區性流行病
6. rear their heads（令人不悅之事）發生；出現
　
新興傳染病對全球人類健康及經貿旅遊的威脅從未間斷過，舉凡１９１８年西班牙流感、２００３年嚴重急性呼吸道症候群（ＳＡＲＳ）、２００９年Ｈ１Ｎ１新型流感等爆發的全球大流行，抑或２０１２年中東呼吸症候群冠狀病毒感染症（ＭＥＲＳ）、２０１４年西非伊波拉出血熱、２０１６年中南美洲茲卡病毒感染症等導致的區域大流行，皆因國際航空運輸而加速散播到全球各地，造成全球衛生安全不可避免的傷害。
　
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Today, a novel form of pneumonia that first emerged in Wuhan, China, at the end of 2019 and has since been classified as coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has caused a global pandemic. As of April 20, 2020, World Health Organization data showed that 2.24 million people had been confirmed as having the disease, with 152,551 deaths in 211 countries/areas/territories. Taiwan has not been spared.
　
7. a novel form of ⋯⋯的新種類
8. be classified as 被分類為⋯⋯
9. a global pandemic 全球大流行
10. be confirmed as 被確認為⋯⋯
11. be spared 不被傷害；被赦免
　
更有甚者，２０１９年底從中國武漢傳出的不明原因肺炎，現已在全球各地爆發大流行，截至ＷＨＯ在２０２０年４月８日的統計數據，全球已有1,353,361名確診病例、79,235名死亡，影響範圍擴及２１１個國家／區域／地區，臺灣亦無從倖免。
　
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As of April 20, Taiwan had tested a total of 55,476 persons showing 422 confirmed cases of COVID-19, of which 55 were indigenous, 343 imported, and 24 are Navy members currently serving in the fleet. Taiwan has reported just six deaths; 203 people have been released from the hospital after testing negative. Despite its proximity to China, Taiwan ranked 123rd among 183 countries in terms of confirmed cases per million people. This has shown that Taiwan’s aggressive efforts to control the epidemic are working.
　
12. as of 截至⋯⋯
13. confirmed cases 確診病例
14. indigenous 本土的
15. proximity to 鄰近
16. in terms of 就⋯⋯而言
17. aggressive efforts 積極的努力
　
截至４月２０日止，我國已累計檢驗55,476例，共發現４２２起確診病例，其中本土５５例、境外移入３４３例以及敦睦遠訓支隊２４例。我國目前６例死亡；經三次採檢均為陰性的出院者２０３例。我國在地理位置上雖鄰近中國，然每百萬人口確診數在國際間排名約第１２３名，顯示臺灣防疫工作成效顯著。
　
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A crisis anywhere readily becomes a problem everywhere. Global health security requires the efforts of every person to ensure an optimal response to public health threats and challenges. Taiwan, though not a member of WHO, cannot stand alone and must be included in the fight against such threats and challenges. Taiwan has fulfilled its responsibilities as a global citizen and abided by the International Health Regulations 2005 (IHR 2005) in notifying the WHO of confirmed COVID-19 cases.
　
18. global health security 全球衛生安全
19. ensure an optimal response 確保最佳應變措施
20. public health threats and challenges 公共衛生威脅與挑戰
21. fulfill its responsibilities 履行職責
22. abide by 遵守；信守（協議、決定或規章）
23. notify sb. of sth. 將某事通報某人
　
疾病無國界，星星之火足以燎原，地方疫情控制不好即可能造成全球大流行。因此，維護全球衛生安全亟需全體人類共同努力，確保最佳量能因應公共衛生威脅與挑戰。我國雖非ＷＨＯ會員，但無法獨善其身、置身於全球衛生安全之外，故秉持世界公民之責，恪守國際衛生條例２００５（ＩＨＲ ２００５）規範，主動向ＷＨＯ通報確診病例，
　
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Moreover, Taiwan has communicated with other countries such as Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, the United States, Canada, Italy, France, Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and the Netherlands, as well as the European Center for Disease Prevention and Control, to share information on confirmed cases, travel and contact histories of patients, and border control measures. Taiwan has uploaded the genetic sequence of COVID-19 to the Global Initiative on Sharing All Influenza Data (GISAID). Taiwan has worked with global partners to respond to the threat of COVID-19 to ensure that global health is not imperiled by a lack of communication and transparency.
　
24. communicate with 與⋯⋯交流（資訊、思想或感情等）
25. share information on 分享⋯⋯的資訊
26. travel and contact histories 旅行與接觸史
27. border control measures 邊境管制措施
28. genetic sequence 基因序列
29. be imperiled by 因⋯⋯而被危及
30. a lack of communication and transparency 缺乏溝通與透明度
　
同時積極與日本、韓國、新加坡、馬來西亞、菲律賓、美國、加拿大、義大利、法國、瑞士、德國、英國、比利時、荷蘭等國家及歐盟ＣＤＣ分享交流武漢肺炎確診病例、接觸者旅遊史、邊境管制措施等資訊，並將病毒基因序列上傳「全球共享禽流感數據倡議組織（ＧＩＳＡＩＤ）」供各國查詢，共同因應此波新興傳染病毒之威脅，確保全球衛生安全不再因缺乏溝通及透明度而產生致命性盲點。
　
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We urge the WHO and related parties to acknowledge Taiwan’s longstanding contributions to the international community in the areas of public health, disease prevention, and the human right to health, and to include Taiwan in WHO and its meetings, mechanisms, and activities. Taiwan will continue to work with the rest of the world to ensure that all enjoy the fundamental human right to health as stipulated in the WHO Constitution. Echoing the mantra of the United Nations’2030 Sustainable Development Goals, no one should be left behind.
　
31. urge sb. to do sth. 呼籲某人去做某事
32. longstanding contributions 長期的貢獻
33. disease prevention 疾病預防
34. the human right to health 有關於健康的人權
35. will continue to... 將持續⋯⋯
36. fundamental human right 基本人權
37. the mantra of ⋯⋯的口號
38. no one should be left behind 不遺漏任何人
　
我們籲請ＷＨＯ及相關各方注及臺灣長期以來對全球公共衛生防疫以及健康人權之貢獻，堅定支持將臺灣納入ＷＨＯ，讓臺灣完整參與ＷＨＯ各項會議、機制及活動，與世界各國攜手，共同落實ＷＨＯ憲章「健康是基本人權」及聯合國永續發展目標「不遺漏任何人」之願景。
　
Dr. Chen Shih-chung is Minister of Health and Welfare in the Republic of China (Taiwan).
　
陳時中博士係中華民國衛生福利部部長
　
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完整英文版：https://bit.ly/2WLrdKb
　
完整中文版：https://bit.ly/2yOzJQy
　
外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan）各國版本：https://bit.ly/2YYRRBU
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Do you think Taiwan will participate in this year's World Health Assembly (WHA)?
　
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＃疫情英文
＃國際時事英文

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

#電影英文筆記
#C式練英文法
昨天在Netflix上看「Marriage Story（婚姻故事）」這部電影，
誰看過？舉手舉手！
我相信每個人一定都有自己鍾愛的一段，
我自己最愛的是開頭，
兩人各自寫了一段喜歡對方的部分，
（目的是什麼我不能說，因為會小爆雷…）
因為太喜歡這段了，所以看完之後決定用這段當作今天練英文的素材。
看起來好長一段，但相信我，當下在聽打的時候真的一點都不感覺無聊冗長，只覺得怎麼這麼簡單的文字、簡短的話，但卻這麼深刻，真的太扣人心弦了！

我自己練習的步驟：
關掉字幕一句一句聽打出內容 ->對照英文看有沒有錯，順便用自己的話理解 -> 對照中文，加深裡面出現的idioms / slang 的印象 -> 抄寫其中很愛的幾句在英文筆記本裡（因為聽打的階段我是用電腦打字）

常常在聽打的時候，就會很驚訝發現，
天啊！這句話我以為很難講耶，沒想到竟然用這麼簡單的字就可以表達這麼好！
這種「WOW~太神奇了吧！」就成為每次我在練習時的樂趣，呵呵～

例如
She always knows the right thing to do when it comes to difficult family shit.
difficult family shit – 翻譯是翻「嚴重的家庭危機」，但我更喜歡自己的詮釋「跟家庭/家人有關的鳥事」
很多人看到「家庭危機」一定直白想到什麼crisis / issue 甚至 problem之類的，是也可以啦，但family shit就更口語表達這種”shitty things”，滿可愛的耶！

She’s always inexplicably brewing a cup of tea that she doesn’t drink.
Inexplicable / inexplicably – 中文解釋是「無法解釋、令人費解的(地)」，之前一直覺得這個字好像都用在比較文鄒鄒的地方，沒想到在這裡可以當做「她總能神奇地泡好一杯茶，雖然她自己不喝」，有點這種「我真的搞不懂她欸」的感覺。

I get stuck in my ways, and she knows when to push me and when to leave me alone.
Get stuck in my ways – 翻譯雖然是翻「裹足不前」，但平常我們講話真的很少用這個成語呀！所以我自己詮釋是「我自己卡關、猶豫不決很想逃避的時候」
Leave me alone – 字面上解釋是「不要管我讓我一個人獨處或是你走開啦」，但語氣比較平和地講的時候也可以表達「可以讓我靜一靜嗎？/ 給我一點時間冷靜好不好？」

She always says when she doesn’t know something, or hasn’t read a book, or seen a film or a play, whereas I fake it and say something like “I haven’t seen it for a while”.
（她不知道的事情或是還沒看過的書、電影或戲劇，她就會老實說沒看過，不像我會裝懂的說「我很久沒看了」。）
這句我自己講的話一定會分很多句才能表達清楚…自己也做筆記學起來

分享我很喜歡的這段原文吧！
（這段是Charlie 講 Nicole 的部分，若對於 Nicole 講 Charlie 的部分也有興趣的話，
留言跟我說喔！）

What I love about Nicole…
she makes people feel comfortable about even in front of embarrassing things. She really listens when someone is talking. Sometimes she listens too much for too long.
She’s a good citizen.
She always knows the right thing to do when it comes to difficult family shit. I get stuck in my ways, and she knows when to push me and when to leave me alone.
She cuts all our hair.
She’s always inexplicably brewing a cup of tea that she doesn’t drink. And it’s not easy for her to put away a sock, or close a cabinet, or do a dish, but she tries for me.
Nicole grew up in LA around actors, and directors, and movies and TV, and is very close to her mother, Sandra and Cassie, her sister.
Nicole gives great presents.
She is a mother who plays, really plays. She never steps off playing or says it’s too much. And it must be too much some of the time.
She’s competitive.
She’s amazing at opening jars because of her strong arms, which I’ve always found very sexy.
She keeps the fridge over-full. No one is ever hungry in our house.
She can drive a stick.
After that movie, All Over The Girl”, she could’ve stayed in LA and been a movie star, but she gave that up and do theater with me in New York.
She’s brave.
She’s a great dancer, infectious. She makes me wish I could dance.
She always says when she doesn’t know something, or hasn’t read a book, or seen a film or a play, whereas I fake it and say something like “I haven’t seen it for a while”.
My crazy ideas are her favorite things to figure out how to execute.
She’s my favorite actress.