【前港督彭定康錄影發言 促香港政府撤回修訂逃犯條例】
「我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。」
發言英文紀錄及中文翻譯:
Former Hong Kong Governor Lord Chris Patten video message Transcript
I know that this week in Hong Kong, thousands of people will be making their views clear, demonstrating against the proposals on extradition, which the government has put forward, extradition to China. It’s a proposal, or a set of proposals, which strike a terrible blow - I think - and so, I think to most people in Hong Kong and so does the international community, against the rule of law, against Hong Kong’s stability and security, against Hong Kong’s position as a great international trading hub. And the surprise is that the government in Hong Kong doesn’t seem to understand that. It does make you wonder sometimes who actually runs Hong Kong these days: is it the Hong Kong government or is it the joint liaison office acting on behalf of the communist regime in Beijing?
Why is this important? Well it’s the latest in a number of things that have happened in recent years which have tightened Beijing’s grip on Hong Kong, and which have profoundly worried people. I think for ten or a dozen years after 1997, things in Hong Kong went pretty well. Of course they could have gone better, I’m sorry that Beijing throttled the development of democracy, much against the promises that have been made earlier. But by and large, I think, Hong Kong remained a very free and successful society.
But ever since the regime in Beijing started to roll back Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and the developments that have taken place under Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao, and Wen Jiabao; ever since then, with the Party taking control over everything, cracking down on dissidents, cracking down on human rights, locking people up, incarcerating them in Xinjiang and so on. Ever since then, we know that Beijing has also been tightening its grip, or trying to, in Hong Kong. And I think that the latest proposals on extradition are an example of that.
Now a lot of very spurious arguments are put forward, it said that the present situation is a “loophole” which needs to be filled up - that’s absolute nonsense. People have known exactly why there shouldn’t be an extradition agreement with China for years, and many of the arguments put for the government’s proposals don’t actually pass the laugh-off-your-seat test. The argument that, well, it’s better to have an extradition treaty than to abduct people illegally from Hong Kong - are people really supposed to believe that?
Except for, but of course, Western democracies in Europe have extradition agreements with China, but they’re in a very different position to the position that Hong Kong is in. The reason why international chambers of commerce, why lawyers, why business around the world, why governments have raised their objections is very simple: because what these proposals do is to remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s rule of law and the idea of law - which prevails in Communist China - an idea of law where there aren’t any independent courts, where the courts and the security services and the party’s rules - which are, sometimes, pretty obscure - are rolled altogether. That’s why we’ve seen recently Canadian citizens that are locked up are taken as if it were hostage against things happening in Canada itself under the rule of law there. So it’s not surprising that people are so worried about what is happening.
I know that when people talk about the particular problem in relation to Taiwan, the leaders of the Hong Kong Bar Association over the last few years, I think a dozen of them, have put forward proposals which show how you could deal with that issue building on the existing common law.
So these proposals are bad for Hong Kong, they - I think - raise all sorts of questions which the government hasn’t even thought through, not least about Hong Kong’s economic importance and economic stability. We know very well that Hong Kong needs to be treated separately in economic and commercial matters from the rest of China. When I was governor a long time ago, I used to travel to Washington fairly regularly to argue the case for treating Hong Kong differently from, say, Shenzhen and Shanghai. But if you appear to be regarding Hong Kong from Beijing as though it was just another China city, then sooner or later, economic governments around the world, businesses around the world, when they’re looking even at things like the Belt and Road Initiative, they’re going to regard Hong Kong as just another part of China, and that would be really bad for the standard of living, for the quality of life in Hong Kong!
Above all, of course, if we go ahead, if the government goes ahead with this extradition agreement, it will cause unnecessary worries and anxieties in Hong Kong. That’s a really bad thing. I hope that even at this late stage, the government will back off and leave well alone. It doesn’t have to happen, it shouldn’t happen, and Hong Kong should carry on as a free society, under the rule of law, without having to worry about this extradition.
前港督彭定康錄影講話翻譯
我知道這星期在香港,成千上萬的人將會到街上遊行表達自己的意見,反對政府所提出將會容許引渡到中國的引渡修例建議。這是一項,或者應該說是一系列我及國際社會認為將會對香港的法治、香港的穩定和社會安全造成很大打擊的建議,它將會嚴重傷害香港作為一個國際貿易中心的地位。令人驚訝的是,香港政府似乎並不理解這一點。這確實令人懷疑這些日子究竟是誰在管治香港:是香港政府還是代表北京共產黨政權的中聯辦?
為甚麼這修例是這麼重要?這是近年來發生的一系列容許北京強行控制香港的事件之一,而這一直以來都讓人深感憂慮。我覺得在1997年之後的十年至十幾年,香港的情況進展尚算順利。當然,是本來可以更好,我很遺憾北京扼殺了香港民主的發展,違背了之前所作出的承諾。但總的來說,香港在那個時候仍然是一個非常自由和成功的社會。
但是,自北京政權開始推翻鄧小平的改革以及在江澤民、朱熔基、胡錦濤和溫家寶時期所推行的發展以後,共產黨控制着一切,打擊持不同政見的人,打擊人權,在新疆把人民關押等等。從那時起,我們就知道北京一直在試圖加緊控制香港。我認為最新的引渡建議就是一個例子。
現在香港政府提出了許多非常虛假的論點,它說目前的情況是展現了一個需要填補的「洞」,這絕對是胡說八道。大家多年來都確切地清楚知道不應該與中國達成引渡協議的原因。而政府提出的許多論點實際上也沒有一個不令你拍案大笑。政府認為制定引渡條約比從香港非法綁架人民更好,你認真覺得人們應該相信這個說法嗎?
當然他們又會說歐洲的西方民主國家與中國已經簽訂了引渡協議,但它們與香港根本處於完全不同的地位。國際商會、律師、商人及各國政府之所以提出反對意見的原因非常簡單:因為這些修例將會摧毀香港法治與中國共產黨的法治概念之間的防火牆。中國的法律觀念不包括任何獨立的法院,並把法院、國安部門以及黨的規則 (黨規則亦有時相當模糊)完全混在一起。這就是為甚麼我們最近看到被關起來的加拿大公民被用為人質,反對加拿大本身在她自己國家的法治下所發生的事情。因此,人們如此擔心這修例所帶來的影響並不奇怪。
我知道當人們都正在談到與台灣有關的問題之際,過去幾年的香港大律師公會領導人,應該是有十幾位,都已經提出意見,說明你如何就着香港現行的普通法來處理這個問題。
這些修例對香港不利,我認為這些修例所引發的疑問是甚至政府都沒有仔細考慮過的,尤其是對香港經濟重要性和經濟穩定性的影響。我們非常清楚在經濟和商業方面是需要把香港與中國其他地區分開對待。很久以前,當我還是港督的時候,我經常前往華盛頓游說對方看待香港的時候要跟對待深圳和上海之類的中國城市有所不同。但是如果以北京的角度看香港,將香港當為另一個普通中國城市,那麼世界各地的政府及企業將會視香港為中國的一部分(而不是特區),就算是看待「一帶一路」之類倡議時亦會是如此。這對香港的生活水平和生活質素都是非常不利的!
當然,最重要的是如果香港政府繼續硬推這些引渡修例,這將會在香港引起不必要的憂慮和焦慮。這些都是非常糟糕的事情。我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。
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【前港督彭定康錄影發言 促香港政府撤回修訂逃犯條例】
「我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。」
發言英文紀錄及中文翻譯:
Former Hong Kong Governor Lord Chris Patten video message Transcript
I know that this week in Hong Kong, thousands of people will be making their views clear, demonstrating against the proposals on extradition, which the government has put forward, extradition to China. It’s a proposal, or a set of proposals, which strike a terrible blow - I think - and so, I think to most people in Hong Kong and so does the international community, against the rule of law, against Hong Kong’s stability and security, against Hong Kong’s position as a great international trading hub. And the surprise is that the government in Hong Kong doesn’t seem to understand that. It does make you wonder sometimes who actually runs Hong Kong these days: is it the Hong Kong government or is it the joint liaison office acting on behalf of the communist regime in Beijing?
Why is this important? Well it’s the latest in a number of things that have happened in recent years which have tightened Beijing’s grip on Hong Kong, and which have profoundly worried people. I think for ten or a dozen years after 1997, things in Hong Kong went pretty well. Of course they could have gone better, I’m sorry that Beijing throttled the development of democracy, much against the promises that have been made earlier. But by and large, I think, Hong Kong remained a very free and successful society.
But ever since the regime in Beijing started to roll back Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and the developments that have taken place under Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao, and Wen Jiabao; ever since then, with the Party taking control over everything, cracking down on dissidents, cracking down on human rights, locking people up, incarcerating them in Xinjiang and so on. Ever since then, we know that Beijing has also been tightening its grip, or trying to, in Hong Kong. And I think that the latest proposals on extradition are an example of that.
Now a lot of very spurious arguments are put forward, it said that the present situation is a “loophole” which needs to be filled up - that’s absolute nonsense. People have known exactly why there shouldn’t be an extradition agreement with China for years, and many of the arguments put for the government’s proposals don’t actually pass the laugh-off-your-seat test. The argument that, well, it’s better to have an extradition treaty than to abduct people illegally from Hong Kong - are people really supposed to believe that?
Except for, but of course, Western democracies in Europe have extradition agreements with China, but they’re in a very different position to the position that Hong Kong is in. The reason why international chambers of commerce, why lawyers, why business around the world, why governments have raised their objections is very simple: because what these proposals do is to remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s rule of law and the idea of law - which prevails in Communist China - an idea of law where there aren’t any independent courts, where the courts and the security services and the party’s rules - which are, sometimes, pretty obscure - are rolled altogether. That’s why we’ve seen recently Canadian citizens that are locked up are taken as if it were hostage against things happening in Canada itself under the rule of law there. So it’s not surprising that people are so worried about what is happening.
I know that when people talk about the particular problem in relation to Taiwan, the leaders of the Hong Kong Bar Association over the last few years, I think a dozen of them, have put forward proposals which show how you could deal with that issue building on the existing common law.
So these proposals are bad for Hong Kong, they - I think - raise all sorts of questions which the government hasn’t even thought through, not least about Hong Kong’s economic importance and economic stability. We know very well that Hong Kong needs to be treated separately in economic and commercial matters from the rest of China. When I was governor a long time ago, I used to travel to Washington fairly regularly to argue the case for treating Hong Kong differently from, say, Shenzhen and Shanghai. But if you appear to be regarding Hong Kong from Beijing as though it was just another China city, then sooner or later, economic governments around the world, businesses around the world, when they’re looking even at things like the Belt and Road Initiative, they’re going to regard Hong Kong as just another part of China, and that would be really bad for the standard of living, for the quality of life in Hong Kong!
Above all, of course, if we go ahead, if the government goes ahead with this extradition agreement, it will cause unnecessary worries and anxieties in Hong Kong. That’s a really bad thing. I hope that even at this late stage, the government will back off and leave well alone. It doesn’t have to happen, it shouldn’t happen, and Hong Kong should carry on as a free society, under the rule of law, without having to worry about this extradition.
前港督彭定康錄影講話翻譯
我知道這星期在香港,成千上萬的人將會到街上遊行表達自己的意見,反對政府所提出將會容許引渡到中國的引渡修例建議。這是一項,或者應該說是一系列我及國際社會認為將會對香港的法治、香港的穩定和社會安全造成很大打擊的建議,它將會嚴重傷害香港作為一個國際貿易中心的地位。令人驚訝的是,香港政府似乎並不理解這一點。這確實令人懷疑這些日子究竟是誰在管治香港:是香港政府還是代表北京共產黨政權的中聯辦?
為甚麼這修例是這麼重要?這是近年來發生的一系列容許北京強行控制香港的事件之一,而這一直以來都讓人深感憂慮。我覺得在1997年之後的十年至十幾年,香港的情況進展尚算順利。當然,是本來可以更好,我很遺憾北京扼殺了香港民主的發展,違背了之前所作出的承諾。但總的來說,香港在那個時候仍然是一個非常自由和成功的社會。
但是,自北京政權開始推翻鄧小平的改革以及在江澤民、朱熔基、胡錦濤和溫家寶時期所推行的發展以後,共產黨控制着一切,打擊持不同政見的人,打擊人權,在新疆把人民關押等等。從那時起,我們就知道北京一直在試圖加緊控制香港。我認為最新的引渡建議就是一個例子。
現在香港政府提出了許多非常虛假的論點,它說目前的情況是展現了一個需要填補的「洞」,這絕對是胡說八道。大家多年來都確切地清楚知道不應該與中國達成引渡協議的原因。而政府提出的許多論點實際上也沒有一個不令你拍案大笑。政府認為制定引渡條約比從香港非法綁架人民更好,你認真覺得人們應該相信這個說法嗎?
當然他們又會說歐洲的西方民主國家與中國已經簽訂了引渡協議,但它們與香港根本處於完全不同的地位。國際商會、律師、商人及各國政府之所以提出反對意見的原因非常簡單:因為這些修例將會摧毀香港法治與中國共產黨的法治概念之間的防火牆。中國的法律觀念不包括任何獨立的法院,並把法院、國安部門以及黨的規則 (黨規則亦有時相當模糊)完全混在一起。這就是為甚麼我們最近看到被關起來的加拿大公民被用為人質,反對加拿大本身在她自己國家的法治下所發生的事情。因此,人們如此擔心這修例所帶來的影響並不奇怪。
我知道當人們都正在談到與台灣有關的問題之際,過去幾年的香港大律師公會領導人,應該是有十幾位,都已經提出意見,說明你如何就着香港現行的普通法來處理這個問題。
這些修例對香港不利,我認為這些修例所引發的疑問是甚至政府都沒有仔細考慮過的,尤其是對香港經濟重要性和經濟穩定性的影響。我們非常清楚在經濟和商業方面是需要把香港與中國其他地區分開對待。很久以前,當我還是港督的時候,我經常前往華盛頓游說對方看待香港的時候要跟對待深圳和上海之類的中國城市有所不同。但是如果以北京的角度看香港,將香港當為另一個普通中國城市,那麼世界各地的政府及企業將會視香港為中國的一部分(而不是特區),就算是看待「一帶一路」之類倡議時亦會是如此。這對香港的生活水平和生活質素都是非常不利的!
當然,最重要的是如果香港政府繼續硬推這些引渡修例,這將會在香港引起不必要的憂慮和焦慮。這些都是非常糟糕的事情。我希望即使在這個最後階段,政府仍然可以退讓,撤回方案,不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過,亦不應該通過,香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會,而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。
bar association中文 在 華人民主書院 New School for Democracy Facebook 的最佳貼文
滕彪:中國長臂迫使西方機構公司自我審查
著名中國維權律師滕彪警告說,中國政府在世界各地和西方國家擴展其長臂,以銳實力迫使西方一些機構和公司在一系列敏感問題上向中國屈從,做自我審查。滕彪呼吁美國和其它西方國家應該改變對華政策。
目前在紐約大學法學院任訪問學者的著名中國維權律師滕彪,對一些西方企業最近就台灣地位認定問題迫於壓力而紛紛向中國道歉感到失望。他認為,這種做法顯示了西方公司的怯懦,他們這樣做是為了博得中國當局的歡心,以便得以在中國龐大的市場繼續運作。
滕彪近日在接受《紐約時報》記者黃安偉采訪時表示,他這幾年來一直在關注西方學者、學術機構和公司的自我審查,中國對國際社會的自由和民主所構成的威脅正在不斷加劇,形勢緊迫。
報道說,在過去一年間,西方國家的官員和政治分析人士的確已開始公開討論中國政府的“影響力行動”或“銳實力”,以及如何脅迫外國人以屈從於它的觀點或進行自我審查來換取進入中國市場或其它好處。
自2013年以來,滕彪已四次與美國國會機構討論了這個問題,也在高等院校裡就這個問題舉行了講座。滕彪表示,他還打算就這個議題寫一本書,目前已經到了改變西方對華政策的時候了。
滕彪在接受自由亞洲電台記者采訪時表示,西方學術界和商界一直對中國存在幻想,以為其經濟得到發展後,中國民眾和政界會自然趨於民主化,但現在的實際情況正好相反:
“這都與西方如何對待中國人權問題有關系。89年後不到三十年的時間裡,中國已成為世界第二大經濟體,並在各方面以硬實力、軟實力等滲透到西方包括經濟、學術、民間機構、甚至軍事等各個領域。西方國家現在需要重新審視自己與中國的關系。”
《紐約時報》6月19日的報道說,滕彪目前承擔這個新角色在一定程度上是基於個人經歷,因為滕彪本人就是因為不堪中國當局不斷加劇的騷擾於2012年離開中國,前往香港和美國。而中國政府近幾年來,對維權律師的打壓已經導致滕彪的許多朋友入獄。目前,滕彪與家人在美國居住。
滕彪之所以一直關注“中國的長臂”這個問題,是由於他本人親身體驗了其惡果。2016年,美國律師協會(American Bar Association)因不願意危及它在北京的業務而收回了為滕彪出版一本書的提議。這本書有關中國律師維權運動的歷史,當時暫時定名為《黎明前的黑暗》(Dusk Before Dawn)。滕彪批評說,美國律師協會這樣做是出於經濟利益的考慮。
此外,美國一家科技零部件公司也迫於來自中國的壓力而解雇為其工作了17年的滕彪的妻子。公司表示,因為滕彪,他們無法向中國的代理商和軍隊出售產品。
滕彪於2002年獲得了北京大學的法學博士學位,此後他在中國政法大學任教。期間,他參與了農民工孫志剛遭拘禁後被警察害死一案。該事件使滕彪和其他一些中國律師開始了以行動維權的生涯,並導致他們遭到官方的騷擾。
英國“倫敦國王學院”(King‘s College)的學者耶娃-琵勒斯(Eva Pils)就“中國長臂”問題對《紐約時報》表示,中國政府的“跨越打壓已成為全新的一系列問題”,而滕彪本人就是中國這種做法的受害者。
滕彪對本台記者表示,西方在中國獲得貿易順差時還應該意識到另一個重要問題,中國打壓人權,忽視勞工權益等,使它的生產成本低下,形成對美國等國的貿易順差。西方在與中國打交道時,需要重視這點:
“許多學者等在分析中國如何取得快速經濟發展這點時往往忽視了一個問題,那就是,中國的低人權、低勞工權益,使其產品的勞動成本非常低。這就保證了中國生產的產品可以在世界各地廉價傾銷,占據很大的市場份額。西方各國需要盡快意識到這點。”
《紐約時報》的報道說,習近平2012年掌權後對民間團體加強管控,滕彪本人多次遭受當局的關押、甚至毆打,還非法向他家人隱瞞他的下落。
滕彪在為“亞洲協會”下屬“中參館”(ChinaFile)撰寫的文章中表示,習近平的新極權主義和毛澤東的舊式集權主義之間區別不大。
滕彪還警告說,一些在美國的中國公民在監視流亡的異議人士,並向中國官員報告。他舉例指出,中國學生學者聯誼會(Chinese Students and Scholars Association)中的一些成員與中國外交官保持聯系,並試圖阻止校內舉行與中國官方觀點不同的演講。
就中國政府通過學生聯誼會、孔子學院以及其它方式滲透美國和西方社會的現像,旅美中國人權活動人士劉青表示:
“中國學生聯誼會實際上就是中國在海外院校的黨組織的一部分。中國當局一直靠學生聯誼會和孔子學院等向外推廣中國政府打壓人權的做法。”
2017年4月,滕彪與另外兩名資深異議學者胡平和王天成在新澤西州的普林斯頓創辦了旨在促進中國民主的非盈利、非政府機構“中國民主轉型研究所”。該組織致力於研究人權和民主,舉行集會,出版中文書籍,並開設了旨在為國內學者提供民主在線課程的網站。但滕彪說,該網絡在中國已被屏蔽。
去年7月,滕彪在華盛頓協助組織了一場旨在呼吁外界關注中國政府2015年7月9日開始的大力鎮壓人權律師的運動。滕彪計劃於今年7月再組織一場同樣的游行。
(記者:希望;責編:何平 網編:瑞哲)
本新聞由自由亞洲電台提供
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