緬甸內戰深化，反對派成立的「全國團結政府」(NUG)宣布，緬甸軍政府全力掃蕩反對勢力，全國團結政府宣布開戰，同步發動「人民防衛戰」，呼籲全國各地起義反抗敏昂萊(Min Aung Hlaing)領導的軍事恐怖分子統治
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毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）
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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
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胡法官雅文閣下：
2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！
在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？
社會之病根
對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。
最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
national unity government 在 文茜的世界周報 Sisy's World News Facebook 的最佳貼文
《新加坡聯合早報》 5/10（東大寺主播）
* 印度的冠病死亡病例昨天（5月9日）連續第二天破4000起，單日新增病例持續超過40萬起。世界衛生組織首席科學家斯瓦米內森認為，肆虐印度的變種病毒傳染性更強且能突破疫苗產生的抗體，是造成印度疫情一髮不可收拾的主因。
我們如今在印度看到的流行病學特徵確實表明，這是個迅速傳播的變種病毒……在像印度這樣的大國，傳播水平可能很低，而這確實持續了好幾個月。但病毒從局部暴發演變成感染更多人……當局忽略了早期跡象，直到病例呈直線上升。
——世界衛生組織首席科學家斯瓦米內森
根據印度衛生部昨天公佈的數據，當地24小時內又有4092人死於冠病，累計死例已達24萬2362起。昨天新增的確診病例為40萬3738起，接近單日最高紀錄。印度累計確診病例近2230萬起。
也是印度兒科醫生和臨床科學家的斯瓦米內森（Soumya Swaminathan）接受法新社訪問時指出，多種因素導致印度疫情如此嚴重，去年10月在印度發現的B1617變種病毒是其一。
世衛首席科學家：肆虐印度變種病毒 傳染性更強且能突破疫苗產生抗體 https://www.zaobao.com/news/world/story20210510-1145515?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 緬甸廣播電視台（MRTV）的聲明稱，緬甸民族團結政府「在許多地方發動恐怖襲擊，包括投擲炸彈、放火、謀殺，還威脅要摧毀政府的行政機制」。
（仰光綜合電）緬甸軍方透過國營電視台，把敵對的緬甸民族團結政府認定為恐怖組織，指責近日緬甸發生的爆炸、縱火和殺戮行為都是該組織所為。
緬甸廣播電視台（MRTV）的聲明稱，緬甸民族團結政府「在許多地方發動恐怖襲擊，包括投擲炸彈、放火、謀殺，還威脅要摧毀政府的行政機制」。
此前，軍方已經指責由原執政黨全國民主聯盟國會議員組成的聯邦議會代表委員會（CRPH）和其他反政變勢力宣佈成立的民族團結政府（National Unity Government，簡稱NUG）為非法組織，其活動涉嫌觸犯叛國罪。
電視台在報道中說：「我們呼籲人民，不要支持恐怖行動，也不要給予聯邦議會代表委員會、民族團結政府和人民防衛部隊那些威脅到人民安全的恐怖行動提供任何援助。」
被定為恐怖組織後 意味所有支持者可能遭逮捕
根據緬甸的《反恐法》，被定為恐怖組織的團體將被禁止招募會員，人們也不得與這些組織有任何接觸。
如今民族團結政府被定為恐怖組織，意味著所有支持者包括為它進行報道的新聞工作者，都可能遭軍方逮捕。
軍政府過去兩個多月逮捕了數十名新聞工作者，所有獨立媒體被迫關閉，一些電視台的廣播執照也被吊銷。
軍方以去年11月選舉存在舞弊行為為由，在2月1日發動政變奪權並解散國會後，緬甸全國各地爆發大規模示威抗議活動，軍方以武力鎮壓。
儘管軍方最高領導人敏昂萊在上個月出席亞細安特別峰會時，與亞細安領導人達成五點共識，包括停止暴力，但動亂並沒有平息的跡象。
緬民族團結政府被軍政府定為恐怖組織 https://www.zaobao.com/news/sea/story20210510-1145538?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 以色列國防軍星期天（9日）發表聲明說，以軍當天轟炸了巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭抵抗運動（哈馬斯）位於加薩地帶的軍事目標。以色列國防部同一天宣佈，即日起關閉巴勒斯坦加薩走廊捕魚區。
以色列轟炸哈馬斯軍事目標並關閉加薩走廊捕魚區 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20210510-1145604?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 美國國家安全顧問蘇利文就耶路撒冷的暴力衝突對以色列表達「深切關注」。
美嚴重關切耶路撒冷衝突和以色列驅逐巴勒斯坦居民 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20210510-1145635?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 聯合國安全理事會週一（10日）將舉行一場閉門會議，以討論東耶路撒冷阿克薩清真寺附近日益緊張的局勢。
路透社：阿克薩清真寺（al Aqsa）是巴勒斯坦地區最神聖和重要的宗教聖地之一，也是伊斯蘭世界的第三大聖寺。
聯合國安理會週一討論東耶路撒冷緊張局勢 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20210510-1145625?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 阿富汗首都喀布爾一女子中學附近前天（8日）發生連環襲擊，造成至少50人死亡，中國外交部發言人華春瑩昨天稱，美國近期突然宣佈完全自阿富汗撤軍，導致阿富汗多地接連發生爆炸襲擊事件。
根據《英國廣播公司》報導，阿富汗首都喀布爾8日發生嚴重的汽車炸彈恐攻，到9日統計傷亡人數出爐，至少60名學生在放學途中遭到攻擊波及身亡，其中大多數受害者是女性。沒有任何組織或團體承認犯案，阿富汗政府將矛頭指向長期敵對的塔利班組織，但遭到對方否認。
中國外交部：美國突然撤軍 導致阿富汗接連發生爆炸襲擊 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/china/story20210510-1145633?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 阿富汗塔利班武裝在喀布爾一所學校發生致命爆炸後宣佈，本週停火三天以慶祝開齋節。
阿富汗塔利班宣佈開齋節停火三天 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20210510-1145605?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 香港食衛局宣佈，從5月1日至昨天(9日)下午6時為止，接近34萬名外傭已經在全港21家社區檢測中心和各區的流動採樣站採樣或提交深喉唾液測試樣本。
香港4萬外傭已打兩針疫苗 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/china/story20210510-1145607?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 據加拿大《溫哥華太陽報》，溫哥華國際機場主航站樓星期天（9日）發生槍擊，造成至少一人死亡。
溫哥華國際機場發生槍擊至少1人死 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/world/story20210510-1145627?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
* 香港一項民調顯示，有近六成受訪者反對修改香港選舉制度，即使是非民主派支持者也有近四成反對。學者估計，今年12月舉行的立法會選舉投票率將會創新低，預料投白票、廢票的比率會大幅上升。
近六成港人反對修改選制 學者：投白票廢票率或創新高 https://www.zaobao.com/realtime/china/story20210510-1145624?utm_source=ZB_iPhone&utm_medium=share
national unity government 在 seanlje Youtube 的最讚貼文
Selamat Menyambut Ulang Tahun Hari Kemerdekaan Ke-57!
Thanks Instill Films for helping out: http://www.youtube.com/user/instillfilms
and thanks to those who were so sporting to be interviewed. It was a lot of fun, even for myself.
____
What is National Day?
Definition: Designated date on which celebrations mark the nationhood of a nation or non-sovereign country, which nationhood can be symbolized by the date of independence.
Who came up with the Negaraku Song?
The tune was originally used as the state anthem of Perak, which was adopted from a popular French melody titled "La Rosalie" composed by the lyricist Pierre-Jean de Béranger.
How many times did Mahathir shout Merdeka in 1957?
First of all, that was a trick question... it was Tunku Abdul Rahman. Not Mahathir, nor Najib. and he shouted 7 times.
How many points does the star have in our flag? and how many stripes?
Number of points the star and stripes are both 14. Representing 13 states and Federal Government. The 14-pointed star symbolises the unity of the 13 states with the Federal Government. The stripes all have equal width.
What is the name of our flag?
Jalur – A Malay word meaning a band or stripe of colour. The 14 parallel red and white stripes symbolise a common mission, a common direction and a virtuous path followed by the peoples of all states regardless of creed, race and religion.
Gemilang – A Malay word meaning bright, brilliant, resplendent or excellent.
Jalur Gemilang represents the excellence of the peoples and the nation of Malaysia in every field, be it at national or international level. Jalur Gemilang symbolises a nation and peoples who are hard-working, patriotic, strong, courageous and prepared to sacrifice for the race, nation and religion.
How many prime minister was there before Najib came into position?
Answer is 5. Najib is the 6th Prime Minister.
How many states in Malaysia?
13.
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*This content was based on true responses*
Know Malaysia, Love Malaysia, Be a true Malaysian.
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