關於 washington, d.c. 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

✨歡迎歡迎！蘇戴娜就任美國在台協會文化新聞組組長✨

蘇戴娜（Diane Sovereign）就任美國在台協會文化新聞組組長。蘇戴娜於2002年加入美國國務院，並先後擔任美國駐亞洲、歐洲和美洲的外交官。她曾擔任位於布魯塞爾的美國駐北大西洋公約組織使團政治官、美國駐伊拉克摩蘇爾文化新聞組組長、美國駐中國北京舊大使館領事官和政治官、美國駐中國北京新大使館副發言人、美國駐武漢總領事館總領事、美國駐渥太華大使館文化官、美國駐布宜諾斯艾利斯大使館發言人。在進入政府部門之前，她曾在洛杉磯和舊金山的國內法律師事務所擔任7年的公司法律師。

蘇戴娜出生於日本，在加州接受教育，並取得波莫納學院國際關係學士學位，以及加州大學哈斯汀法學院的法律博士學位，2019年蘇組長取得美國國防大學艾森豪學院之國家戰爭學院的碩士學位。蘇戴娜通曉中文、西班牙文和法文，她和她的女兒在2020年夏天從華盛頓特區抵達台北。

✨Diane Sovereign Assumes Duties as AIT’s Public Affairs Officer✨

Diane Sovereign is currently head of Public Affairs at the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT). She joined the United States Department of State in 2002, and has served as a diplomat in Asia, Europe and the Americas. Prior positions include: USNATO in Brussels as a Political Officer; in Mosul, Iraq as the Public Affairs Officer; at the “old” Embassy in Beijing, China as a Consular and Political Officer; at the “new” Embassy in Beijing as the Deputy Spokesperson; at the U.S. Consulate in Wuhan, China as the Consul General; at Embassy Ottawa as the Cultural Affairs Officer, and at Embassy Buenos Aires as the Press Attaché. Prior to government service, she spent 7 years as a corporate lawyer in the Los Angeles and San Francisco offices of a national law firm, practicing labor and employment law.

Born in Japan, she was educated in California, receiving her B.A. in International Relations from Pomona College and her J.D. from UC Hastings College of the Law. In 2019, Diane obtained a Master’s Degree in National Security from the U.S. National War College, Eisenhower School. Diane speaks Chinese, Spanish, and French. She and her daughter arrived in Taipei from Washington D.C. in the summer of 2020.

✨歡迎歡迎！蘇戴娜就任美國在台協會文化新聞組組長✨

蘇戴娜（Diane Sovereign）就任美國在台協會文化新聞組組長。蘇戴娜於2002年加入美國國務院，並先後擔任美國駐亞洲、歐洲和美洲的外交官。她曾擔任位於布魯塞爾的美國駐北大西洋公約組織使團政治官、美國駐伊拉克摩蘇爾文化新聞組組長、美國駐中國北京舊大使館領事官和政治官、美國駐中國北京新大使館副發言人、美國駐武漢總領事館總領事、美國駐渥太華大使館文化官、美國駐布宜諾斯艾利斯大使館發言人。在進入政府部門之前，她曾在洛杉磯和舊金山的國內法律師事務所擔任7年的公司法律師。

蘇戴娜出生於日本，在加州接受教育，並取得波莫納學院國際關係學士學位，以及加州大學哈斯汀法學院的法律博士學位，2019年蘇組長取得美國國防大學艾森豪學院之國家戰爭學院的碩士學位。蘇戴娜通曉中文、西班牙文和法文，她和她的女兒在2020年夏天從華盛頓特區抵達台北。

✨Diane Sovereign Assumes Duties as AIT’s Public Affairs Officer✨

Diane Sovereign is currently head of Public Affairs at the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT). She joined the United States Department of State in 2002, and has served as a diplomat in Asia, Europe and the Americas. Prior positions include: USNATO in Brussels as a Political Officer; in Mosul, Iraq as the Public Affairs Officer; at the “old” Embassy in Beijing, China as a Consular and Political Officer; at the “new” Embassy in Beijing as the Deputy Spokesperson; at the U.S. Consulate in Wuhan, China as the Consul General; at Embassy Ottawa as the Cultural Affairs Officer, and at Embassy Buenos Aires as the Press Attaché. Prior to government service, she spent 7 years as a corporate lawyer in the Los Angeles and San Francisco offices of a national law firm, practicing labor and employment law.

Born in Japan, she was educated in California, receiving her B.A. in International Relations from Pomona College and her J.D. from UC Hastings College of the Law. In 2019, Diane obtained a Master’s Degree in National Security from the U.S. National War College, Eisenhower School. Diane speaks Chinese, Spanish, and French. She and her daughter arrived in Taipei from Washington D.C. in the summer of 2020.

Eli Clifton 挖挖挖。

錢是台灣人民納稅，怎麼用卻不被揭露。美國智庫是拿錢辦事，還是以金援為名收受獻金為實？

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以下中文新聞內容轉自 旺報：

https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20200619000151-260309?chdtv

華府智庫昆西治安研究所（Quincy Institute）民主外交政策計畫執行人克里夫頓（Eli Clifton）於17日發表《台灣金援智庫：無所不在但很少揭露》（Taiwan funding of think tanks: Omnipresent and rarely disclosed）一文指出，台灣金援了美國五大智庫，促使這些智庫向美國執政者建言，做出有利於台灣綠營執政政府的美國政策。該文發出後，台北經濟文化代表處政治組組長趙怡翔緊急在推特上指出，該文有錯失之處，且並未向台北經濟文化代表處查證置評。

文章稱，台灣金援的五個華府智庫包括布魯金斯學會、美國進步中心（CAP）、新美國安全中心（CNAS）、戰略與國際研究中心（CSIS）以及哈德遜研究所，都有來自於台北經濟文化代表處的資金，但都將其深埋在其年度報告中。這五個華盛頓最著名、看似公正的的智庫一直在發表政策文件，敦促美國與台灣建立更緊密的關係，擴大美國與台灣的武器銷售和貿易協定，卻沒有廣泛披露其背後來自台北經濟文化代表處（TECRO）的高額資金。

支持台有助民主自由

文章詳列台北經濟文化代表處對五大智庫的贊助金額，及這些智庫收到贊助後為台灣做了什麼。文章稱，布魯金斯學會學者於2019年12月為《台北時報》撰文，指出美國兩黨支持在台灣和美國的重要性；美國進步中心研究員在今年3月分《華盛頓月刊》上發表專欄文章稱，加強美台關係將有助民主自由，並在2019年9月發表《如何支持亞洲的民主與人權》報告時，直接向美國決策者「為如何穩固支持台灣」提供直接建議。

而新美國安全中心向華盛頓提供有關2020年《中國崛起的挑戰》報告時，敦促美國決策者優先考慮與台灣的雙邊投資和貿易協定；CSIS在5月發表前美國駐港澳總領事唐偉康（Kurt Tong）的文章，其中主張美台達成貿易協定，將能加強美國在亞洲領導地位。

倡售台集束炸彈抗中

哈德遜研究所則於5月向美國決策者提出售台「集束炸彈」，以便台灣可以威脅對中共具有重大政治價值的非軍事目標及領導人，並建議鼓勵台灣有效威脅中國的非軍事目標。還鼓勵美國決策者「做出直接有利於台灣綠營執政黨的政策」，敦促美國決策者承認「一個自治或獨立的台灣」。

原文請見：

Taiwan funding of think tanks: Omnipresent and rarely disclosed

https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2020/06/17/taiwan-funding-of-think-tanks-omnipresent-and-rarely-disclosed/

[節錄]

Why not disclose?

Hudson may be the most extreme in its policy proposals, but the consistent behavior from the five think tanks is unmistakable: General support funding from Taiwan’s government is never disclosed when experts, whose salaries may well be partially funded by TECRO dollars, offer policy recommendations regarding U.S.-Taiwan relations.

“My philosophy is that if you’re producing any report, you should put right up front in an acknowledgment section that lists the specific funders, including general-support funders, that helped make this report possible and list any potential conflict of interest with the funders,” said Freeman of the Foreign Influence Transparency Initiative. “Let the reader judge for themself whether there’s a conflict of interest.”

Though the appearance or possibility of a conflict of interest does not mean that the funding flows from Taiwan influenced the work products produced by the think tanks, the decision not to prominently disclose the funding may undermine otherwise valuable analysis and policy proposals.

“It seems like because they hid it, they have something to hide,” said Freeman. “When the public trust in government is at all-time lows and people think D.C. is so corrupt, it’s even more important for think tanks and think tank scholars to put this information out there and try and restore the trust of the American public.”

Indeed, as acceptance of a cold war posture toward China becomes ever more accepted as a foregone conclusion by Washington influencers, one of them actually highlighted the danger of foreign funding going largely undisclosed.

CNAS’s 2020 report that advocated for a U.S.-Taiwan trade agreement warned of think tanks receiving “substantial funding from Beijing that is often targeted at shaping views and discourse on China.” CNAS recommended “higher degrees of transparency” to help “ensure that this funding is not generating hidden forms of foreign lobbying, self-censorship, or other activities that undermine core U.S. democratic principles.”

That self-awareness about the potential influence of foreign funding, and the ethical arguments for greater transparency, does not appear to extend to the omnipresent funding stream from Taipei to think tanks across the Beltway.