【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】
// 當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權,暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來,這已清晰可見。僅說無諾,何能「止暴制亂」?
// Where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.
https://www.facebook.com/…/a.455221741311…/1474268236073377/
【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】(Scroll for English)
1. 近日,警隊的行為就如國際特赦組織所言越見低劣。[1] 這皆因政府漠視其專家提供的建議,並以歇斯底里、毫無章法可言的策略回應持續的動盪。
2. 五個月來,政府持續容許以下情況發生,對警政問題及根本的政治危機藥石亂投:
a. 阻礙救護人員前往現場拯救傷者;[2]
b. 偏頗地處理強姦或酷刑對待被拘留人士的指控;[3]
c. 肆無忌憚地濫用武力;[4]
d. 以諸多藉口為警察的失控或報復行為辯解。[5]
3. 法政匯思強烈譴責警隊濫用武力,及其本末倒置、往往為社區添煩添亂的驅散示威者行動。警方在十一月十一日於香港中文大學(「中大」)、香港理工大學及香港大學等驅散非法集結及/或堵路行為的行動,指稱的事實根據惹人非議。[6] 在撰寫此聲明之時,警方甚至以催淚彈及橡膠子彈回應中大校長的善意,與學生發生激烈衝突,造成最少60人受傷及多人被捕。[7]
4. 歸根究底,現有的制度未能公正地調查涉及警務人員的刑事指控,乃是警民衝突的源頭。樂觀地看,這可能只是個別調查人員的疏忽;悲觀地看,這反映一種互相包庇的文化,可能已由員佐級警員到警務處處長、保安局局長甚至特首,滲透警隊及政府上下。無論是哪一個情況,這種警察橫行無忌的觀感已經令公眾對負責調查大部分罪行的警察的信任蕩然無存。這個缺口一開,刑事司法制度剩下非常有限的能力,處理失職警員。
5. 法政匯思繼續呼籲香港政府成立獨立調查委員會,調查包括六月份以來政府的治安管理手段。除了將肇事者繩之於法外,更重要的是全面檢閱香港警隊以達至結構上的改革。至今,特區政府對於這個明顯又實際的選擇不屑一顧,堅持讓一個缺乏監察權力的獨立監察警方處理投訴委員會(「監警會」)[8] 去調查警察投訴及內部調查科。這正正就是問題根源所在。
6. 監警會委派的國際專家組就這個問題發表《進展報告》。國際專家組與政府持相反意見。他們批評監警會在結構上欠缺全面調查權力,對監警會這一個輕型、監管式的體制是否能夠做出決定性的貢獻表示懷疑,更指出下一步的可能性諸如「委派一個享有所需權力的獨立調查機構以作更深程度及更廣泛的調查」,意味著一個獨立調查委員會。[9]
7. 對於近數星期暴力頻頻,政府沒有採取任何行動,只是堅拒示威者的訴求(包括成立獨立調查委員會),更稱他們為「人民的敵人」。[10] 警員們多月來非人化地濫稱示威者為「曱甴」。[11]
8. 法政匯思絕對不認同法外制裁。此立場於七月二十五日之聲明已表明。然而,當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權,暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來,這已清晰可見。僅說無諾,何能「止暴制亂」?
法政匯思
2019年11月15日
(PDF: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)
1. Police conduct has seen, in the words of Amnesty International, ‘another shocking low’ [1] in recent days as the Government ignored constructive feedback by its own experts and hysterically responded to the ongoing unrest without any rational strategy.
2. In particular, these allegations point to a wanton failure on the part of the Government to properly approach policing and the underlying political crisis, now in its 5th month:
a. Obstructing rescuers and ambulances from accessing the injured; [2]
b. Unfair handling of allegations of rape and torture in custody; [3]
c. Unapologetic excesses in its use of force; [4] and
d. Evasive defence of police officers acting impulsively or in retaliation. [5]
3. The Progressive Lawyers Group (the ‘PLG’) vehemently condemns the Police regarding their excessive use of force and dispersal operations which often create the chaos sought to be quelled. On 11 November, the police conducted operations in, amongst others, the Chinese University of Hong Kong (‘CUHK’), the Polytechnic University of Hong Kong and the University of Hong Kong to disperse unlawful assemblies and/or obstruction of traffic, [6] the factual basis of which has been doubted by many. As at the drafting of this Statement, as riot police responded to an olive branch by the CUHK Vice-Chancellor with tear gas and rubber bullets, severe clashes between students and riot police at CUHK are ongoing with at least 60 injured and dozens arrested. [7]
4. Nonetheless, the crux of the problem remains in the institutional failure to investigate criminal allegations involving police officers impartially. At best, it could be an omission by individual police officers in their execution of duty. At worst, it could be a culture that acquiesces and conceals wrongdoings affecting grassroot constables, the Commissioner of Police, the Secretary for Security and the Chief Executive alike. Whichever the case may be, this perception of impunity breaches the trust and confidence the public reposes in the police who are tasked with investigating most offences. With this link broken, there remains very limited recourse in the criminal justice system against rogue officers.
5. The PLG continues to call on the Hong Kong Government to appoint a Commission of Inquiry regarding, amongst others, the current approach to policing social unrest since June. Bringing wrongdoers to justice aside, the more important task is a holistic review on the Police Force and a roadmap to structural reforms. So far, the Government brushed aside this obvious and pragmatic option, insisting upon an inquiry by the Independent Police Complaints Council (‘IPCC’) [8] whose (lack of) oversight over the Complaints Against Police Office (‘CAPO’) is the very issue at the heart of the current saga.
6. Curiously, the International Expert Panel of the IPCC appointed for advice on that very inquiry seems to hold a contrary view. In their Position Statement Report of Progress, the experts pointed out ‘structural limitations in the scope and powers of the IPCC Inquiry’ and noted that ‘it remains to be seen whether a light touch, oversight body like the IPCC, can make sufficient progress to produce any decisive contribution…’ It also identified a possible next step such as ‘a deeper more comprehensive inquiry in a number of respects by an independent body with requisite powers’, alluding to a Commission of Inquiry. [9]
7. In response to the extraordinary brutalities these few weeks, the Government did nothing but maintain that it will not yield to the protesters’ demands (including an independent Commission of Inquiry) and call them ‘enemies of the people’. [10] It has not helped that the police have for months been blatantly using such a dehumanising term as ‘cockroaches’ to refer to protesters [11].
8. The PLG stands by our Statement on 25 July 2019 and does not encourage citizens to take justice into their own hands. However, it is obvious by now that where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.
The Progressive Lawyers Group
15 November 2019
(PDF version: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)
be noted 意味 在 Dr 文科生 Facebook 的最佳貼文
推到上新聞!!!
齊來擊破偽科學
到底香港幾時先會立法監管
呢個係確確實實的無牌行醫
同埋d大中小學唔該唔好再搵呢d假title的人做guest
佢利用緊你地學校個名去build佢個CV
好讓佢地可以繼續用d華麗的title去呃人而已
***另外,有讀者話去信過立法會議員和衛生署,但只換來類似「noted with thanks」的回覆。有權力的人唔去行多步,反而要一班忙著生存的平民幫你做埋教育的工作,where’s your pride?
<香港好危險之: 順勢療法
致香港順勢療法醫學會創會會長杜家麟大教授的公開信>
今集講順勢療法。
話說順勢療法 Homeopathy 是 200 多年前由哈尼曼 Samuel Hahnemann 創立。
他的理論是,如果疾病會導致某些症狀,那麼用其他也會導致這種症狀的物質加水稀釋 (記得要震),就會醫好該疾病 (所謂的"相同者能治癒")。
當時瘧疾 Malaria 流行, 患者會出現全身骨痛, 體溫忽冷忽熱,心跳加速等等。
而他發現金雞納樹的樹皮的萃取物 (奎寧,quinine) 也能導致同樣徵狀,剛巧奎寧真的可以治療瘧疾, 於是順勢療法就開始了。
時至今日, 順勢療法療師宣佈他們能夠醫治多種疾病,包括花粉症,過敏性皮膚反應,腦損傷,女性不孕症,流感,失眠症等等。
香港順勢療法醫學會下個月甚至有講座,講解順勢療法可以治療近視,散光,老花 ( 如果根據"相同者能治癒"理論, 可能是用手提電話打碎,溝水,稀釋飲用吧)。
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究竟用任何物質加水稀釋是否真的可以令該藥劑有效呢? 多年前英國一名註冊醫生 Ben Goldacre (著名的反偽科學人士) 出過幾本書指出順勢療法的謬誤,而他已經認真計算過順勢療法的稀釋方法其實有多稀釋:
順勢療法中,典型的稀釋度稱為“30C”:這意味著一滴物質用 100 滴水稀釋,反覆做 30 次。
這到底有多稀釋呢? 答案是稀釋至 1,000,000,000,000,000,000, 000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000, 000,000,000,000,000 之一。
而再稀釋多 70 次, 在 100C 的順勢療法稀釋液中 (順勢療法聲稱比 30C 功力更強),那滴物質已經被超過宇宙中的原子總數稀釋!
順勢療師會教你,其原則是,在每一次稀釋中加入振盪,甚至要用到 皮革 和 馬毛 表面來振盪 (教授為什麼不提? 唔識? 還是聽起來太白癡吧),水便會出現原物質的印記。
至於水 (H2O,一氧化二氫),是否真的能夠記住某物質的印記,而達致治療效果呢? 從來沒有人能夠提供真正科學證據。
當然順勢療法師只會對你講,現今科學不可以解釋, 不等於它沒有效用。
但其實早幾十年前, 已經有一名魔術師兼懷疑論者 James Randi, 發出了一個價值 100 萬美金的挑戰。條件是他們能夠用嚴謹的科學鑑證方法,表現出超自然能力,當然也包括順勢療法 - 參賽者只需要能重複,非撞彩地分別出哪是水,哪是順勢療劑。
挑戰舉行了足足 51 年, 卻沒有任何人成功過,而挑戰也在 2015 年完結了。
當然香港順勢療法杜大教授可能比全球其他順勢療法同行道行更深, 只不過在過去幾十年錯過了這個黃金機會。
那麼,機會嚟啦杜大教授! 上年德國有一個所謂的偽科學調查協會 (Society for the Scientific Investigation of Parasciences, GWUP) 宣佈會提供五萬歐羅相 (等於近 45 萬港幣),獎給勝出的順勢療法療師。 (https://www.gwup.org/challenge-home)
挑戰條件非常簡單 ,參賽者需要提供三種順勢療劑, 協會會把這三種藥隨機放進 12 個樽內。參賽者只需要用任何科學或非科學的方法,正確地認出其中十一樽內含的藥, 然後再重複這個步驟一次, 那就可以勝出。
當然,如果水真的能夠把藥物成分記住, 大教授也應該能夠用超乎現今科學的方法, '讀取' 那些水份究竟記住了什麼,對吧?
要不然, 順勢療師如果連自己配發的藥也沒有辦法認出, 如果順勢藥廠製藥時出現錯誤,把藥物掉轉, 又或者順勢藥劑過期, 豈不對病人安全構成危險?
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退開一萬步講,順勢療法藥劑越被稀釋作用就越強,那麼我買一支順勢藥劑再稀釋多一百次,會不會服藥過量中毒? 又或者飲 50 支順勢藥劑,又會不會服藥過量呢?
其實早在 2010 至11年, 英國已經有團體,抗議英國藥品店舖售賣順勢療藥。 他們每人服食 84粒順勢砒霜 (arsenium album) 藥物嘗試"自殺"。
在2012年, 更有超過100人服食 caffea cruda (用咖啡豆做, 作用是用來"醫治失眠" ) (你沒有讀錯, 是稀釋了的咖啡豆用來做安眠藥!)。
當然在這些團體抗議中,並沒有任何人出現任何毛病! ( Ref: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/10:23_Campaign )
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結語: 杜大教授一出文就話筆者滿口大小便, 身為三間所謂 '學院' 的 '教授',原來也這麼沒口德,難道你在英國 Plaskett 國際學院做教授是這樣的嗎?
還是要回到那個偽科學學院,重新學學 Holistic model of healthcare 的偽科學課程,用生命力 ("Life Force") 來調整一下自己負面的情緒?
( 認真,請看 Plaskett 課程教材 Ref: http://www.dcscience.net/tvu-plaskett-nut-therap-2005.pdf ; 第八頁 )
等等, 究竟 Life Force 是不是星球大戰中絕地戰士用的神功? 那其實,我也是同門, May the Force be with you!
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#白粉佬都話用白粉溝洗衣粉麵粉呃啲道友
#吉百利朱古力左溝右溝都仲有幾個percent可可粉
#你走去信順勢療法shakeshake水?
#信者得救唔關我事
#但係唔好有信徒教人偽做打針紙紀錄
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#這叫先撩者賤
#辣著個成日有假放的英國醫生
#偽教授而家係咪好後悔呢
歡迎讀者繼續爆料。
歡迎報章轉載 (請先通知我和 tag 本頁 醫學治眼) 。
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為你身邊的人健康著想,請各位讀者把文章廣傳。打擊偽科學,人人有損!
多謝閱讀!
更多文章 @醫學治眼
(Further reading: https://www.badscience.net/2007/11/a-kind-of-magic/ )
be noted 意味 在 翻譯這檔事 Facebook 的最佳貼文
馬英九以習近平為「他的(中國)國家主席」?疏忽還是惡搞?
剛剛在批踢踢英文板看到有人問([1]):原來英文中,一國的總統可以稱另一國總統為「his/her 國名形容詞 president」?真有這個用法?並指出有兩個媒體這麼寫:
1. (某新聞網站的圖片說明 [2]) Cuba's President Raul Castro, left, stands with his U.S. President Barack Obama.
古巴總統卡斯楚與「他的」美國總統歐巴馬並肩而站(?)
2. (美國之聲VOA學英文網站的文字稿 [3]) Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou told his Chinese president Xi Jinping that he was worried about China’s missiles deployed across the Taiwan Strait.
台灣總統馬英九告訴「他的」中國國家主席習近平……(?)
以上兩個英文說法若成立,則意味著歐巴馬對卡斯楚,或習近平對馬英九,是上對下、尊對卑、君對臣、中央對地方的關係。(但地方政府怎會有「總統」?)
但我認爲這英文的說法是不恰當的、是錯誤的,適當的說法應該是: his U.S. counterpart、his Chinese counterpart 才對,差了一字,含義大變。改成 counterpart 就讓雙方變成對等關係,這也才是外界對國家領袖的認知:關係對等。
卡斯楚的例子,我不好說什麼,只能說該圖片說明或許是一時筆誤,或者,該記者英文有問題。
馬英九的例子,則找到答案:各位聽一聽同一網頁中語音檔的唸稿,記者「巧妙地」把 his Chinese president Xi 唸成 Chinese president Xi,沒有不該有的 his,這表示該記者發覺文字稿有誤;或者也可能,記者本來製播時就是唸 Chinese president Xi,卻被哪個聽寫人誤寫還是惡搞,加上足以引起爭端的 his?這區區一個小字,錯得可真要命唷!
以下是VOA全文:
Leaders from Taiwan and China met Saturday for the first time since the end of the civil war in China, more than 65 years ago.
The meeting was an effort to create goodwill between the two sides. In the past seven years, ties between the sides have increased. However, some Taiwanese say those ties have not resulted in economic gains or greater security.
China claimed sovereignty over self-ruled Taiwan when it formed the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Relations were icy until 2008. The two sides agreed to link the two economies.
Today in Taiwan, people are unclear about the benefits of the relationship. The island’s economy shrank in the third quarter of this year.
Many Taiwanese wanted progress from the meeting. Liu Yi-jiun is a public affairs professor at Fo Guang University in Taiwan. He said there were high expectations because these two leaders had never met. He said, after two years of planning, political and economic concessions were promised but none were seen.
Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou told his Chinese president Xi Jinping that he was worried about China’s missiles deployed across the Taiwan Strait. <== 這句話無故多了個「his」
He also said people in Taiwan were frustrated that China was blocking Taiwan’s foreign relations. China has 170 allies compared with 22 for Taiwan. This difference lets China keep Taiwan from developing its diplomacy further.
In response to Taiwan’s concerns about missiles, Xi Jinping said Saturday China’s missiles were not aimed at Taiwan.
However, economic concerns remain. Taiwan has signed free-trade agreements with Singapore and New Zealand. Both countries have relations with the two sides. But China has blocked Taiwan from joining the United Nations or other international organizations.
Taiwanese officials say deals with China have created 9,600 jobs among a population of 23 million. Agreements that opened tourism brought a total 2.8 million mainland Chinese to the island last year. That is up from almost no tourism in 2007.
Trade deals also have helped increase total imports and exports to $130 billion last year.
China remains Taiwan’s largest trading partner. And it is the top receiver of Taiwanese foreign investment.
Some people complain the benefits of 23 deals with mainland China covering trade and other areas are reaching mainly the owners of big companies.
In Taiwan’s capital markets, investment from China amounts to only a fraction of the island government’s quota, or the amount permitted.
Tseng Ming-chung is Chairman of the Financial Supervisory Commission in Taiwan. He said Friday that the Taiwanese government has approved almost every application for investment from China.
He says the amount of money is extremely small. He adds that the Taiwanese government is not refusing applications. Tseng says mainland Chinese institutions cannot freely set up qualified domestic institutional investors.
China insists on eventual unification with Taiwan. However, public opinion polls show most Taiwanese oppose that goal.
Nathan Liu says the future of relations between the sides is unclear.
“…They think that at least by the end of Ma’s term the two sides should at least reach some kind of agreement,” he said. He noted that, an understanding that the sides are going toward common goals is needed, although it may not be a signed agreement. “This is not complete yet,” he said.
President Ma Ying-jeou has supported closer ties with mainland China. But he and his KMT party have lost support. He must step down next year because of term limits.
A backlash against economic deals with China started mass street protests in March 2014. That anger has given the island’s top opposition party candidate a lead in opinion polls ahead of the January presidential election. Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party has been highly critical of President Ma’s dealings with China.
Experts say the Saturday leadership summit appears not to have done enough to change voter opinion.
I’m Mario Ritter.
Ralph Jennings reported this story from Taipei. Mario Ritter adapted it for Learning English. Kathleen Struck was the editor.